Courtney Hagans lives in the Pacific Northwest and is a graduate student pursuing a Master of Public Management at Johns Hopkins University with a focus on public policy analysis. Her professional work centers on advancing systems in housing, health, and community programs. She is particularly interested in how the intersection of public management and social justice can ensure systemic issues for the underrepresented are being thoughtfully led for a more equitable future.
excellence in interdisciplinary writing
Witness, Survivor, Scholar: Memory, Narrative, and the Evolving History of the Tulsa Race Massacre
Courtney Hagans, Johns Hopkins University
The historiography of the Tulsa Race Massacre is tempestuous, riddled with the devious inner workings of an America unwilling to accept the shame of its history. Distorted historical records of the massacre were strategically sustained by dominant narratives shaped by White media, racially motivated legal actions, archival silences, and state-sanctioned erasure. If not for counter-narratives advanced by Black eyewitnesses and advocates fighting to reclaim the truth, the massacre we know of today would still be positioned as a “riot.” This narrative framing helped publicly justify White violence inflicted on the Black community, positioning the Black community as equal contributors to their own massacre. Over the course of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the collective effort to dismantle these myths about Tulsa mirrors the trend of modern American historiographical practices: shifting from passive acceptances of official state narrative to actively interrogating the sanitization and magnification of suppressed history.
The Tulsa Race Massacre occurred on the late night of May 31, 1921, and endured throughout the afternoon of June 1, 1921. Ignited by an article published in the Tulsa Tribune titled “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in an Elevator,”[1] an armed, frenzied, White mob marched to the steps of the Tulsa County Courthouse demanding they hand over the article’s alleged assailant, Dick Rowland. By the time National Guard troops arrived at 9:15AM[2] on June 1, most of the once thriving neighborhood of Greenwood, a Black community affectionately known as “Black Wall Street,” had been reduced to ash. Alongside the bodies, torched homes, and dilapidated buildings,[3] leading Black newspaper The Tulsa Star was left in ruins. The paper became a longstanding scapegoat as a contributor to the incitement of violence, forcing its founder A.J. Smitherman and his family to flee.[4] Neither he nor his family would return to Tulsa, but he published what appears to be the first poem depicting the violence, telling a personal tale of a Black Tulsan’s witness to a White mob intent on killing them. It reads:
“Get the niggers” was their slogan,
“Kill them, burn them, set the pace.
Let them know that we are white men,
teach them how to keep their place.”[5]
Instead of Smitherman’s account of the dehumanizing violence inflicted on his community, the first draft of the massacre’s history was swiftly controlled by Oklahoma officials and White-owned newspapers, framing the massacre not as reflective of a pattern of Black oppression but rather as a riot instigated by disgruntled Black Tulsans. On June 1, 1921, the Tulsa World published several editions of its publication titled: “Two Whites Dead In Race Riot,”[6] “Many More Whites Are Shot,”[7] and “Race War Rages After Outbreak at Courthouse.”[8] A particularly repulsive issue came out on June 4, 1921, titled “It Must Not Be Again,” all but celebrating the attack and calling for the permanent removal of the Greenwood community they believed (unfoundedly) was a cesspool of iniquity and corruption, referring to it as “Old Niggertown.”[9] This narrative gained nationwide recognition quickly, with papers like Philadelphia’s The Evening Public Ledger and Oregon’s The Evening Herald running sensationalist headlines such as “56 Slain in Race Riot in Streets of Tulsa, Oklahoma”[10] and “Bitter Race War Rages in Oklahoma,”[11] cementing the falsehood that Black and White Tulsans shared equal culpability to this violence.
A vast majority of publications that came out over the next few weeks largely blamed the Greenwood residents themselves for the abhorrent violence they were victim to. In a speech held in Tulsa on June 17, 1921, the Tulsa attorney general stated that “the negro was not the same man he was thirty years ago” and blamed newspapers and independent publications on spreading falsehoods about racial equality as contributors to the perceived “uprising.”[12]On June 26, 1921, an all-White jury blamed Black men as the direct cause for the massacre, stating that showing up to the courthouse to protect the alleged assailant Dick Rowland against “innocent” armed, White spectators was an overreaction and incitement.[13] Unsurprisingly, there was hardly any emphasis placed at this time that Rowland himself was found innocent and that the alleged victim, Sarah Page, stated she was not assaulted.
At the federal level, throughout 1921 in letters sent to leading intelligence officers, a Captain of the 9th artillery stated that he visited Tulsa and concluded countering newspaper reports portraying the event as an atrocity against Black Tulsans to be exaggerated with only “20-30 negroes being killed” and referred to the Greenwood community as “radicals” and “agitators.”[14] This pervasive narrative minimized the massacre’s true scale. Greenwood was destroyed entirely, hundreds were killed, and yet the entire event was largely reduced to a regrettable incident rather than a horrendous loss of life and community. How then, was the massacre so quickly trivialized?
To contextualize the sociopolitical environment of the time and what these marginalized voices were working against, understand that this was a period in American history marked by a frighteningly normalized atmosphere of racial terror. In early 1915, the Ku Klux Klan reformed for their second iteration[15] and were seen around Oklahoma in the years leading up to the massacre.[16] The ease with which the White community was able to enact immediate control over the public’s historical account was the norm. Lynching, racial massacres, and systemic anti-Black pogroms[17] were widespread and generally never prosecuted, let alone penalized. The suppression of the truth was easy when the system was designed for distortion.
One of the most influential people to challenge this distortion was journalist Mary E. Jones Parrish in her 1922 book Events of the Tulsa Disaster. Against friends’ caution, within weeks of the massacre, Parrish accepted a role with the Inter-Racial Commission to report on the events. The testimonials were gruesome, illustrating a depth of depravity not yet spoken of. James T.A. West, a Black Tulsan high school teacher, told Parrish that the residents of Greenwood were rounded up like cattle, forced to run in the streets until they reached Convention Hall, while White residents shot at their heels. He recollected them driving a car into the group, knocking down several men, only to dump the sick, dead, and wounded in front of the Hall like animals.[18] Other survivors interviewed by Parrish remembered White mobs firing indiscriminately at anyone who moved, airplanes dropping bombs on homes and buildings, and luring of residents from their homes under the guise of safety only to loot and burn once the homes were vacated.[19] Black newspaper publications like The Black Dispatch and The Chicago Defender echoed this brutality, reporting on interment-like camps and dehumanization of homeless Black Tulsans.[20]
In an effort to have a more objective investigation, the NAACP sent White-passing Black journalist Walter F. White to Tulsa. His reporting supported the account of coordinated aerial bombings, the scale of civilian devastation, and the complicity and direct involvement of law enforcement and political officials, which contradicted official Tulsa reports at the time.[21] His findings were published in The Nation, making them an outlier in the mainstream press. These narratives were well researched and held evidence of heinous human rights abuses, but with little to no support from local or federal officials they were ignored in favor of a more palatable story. To this day, when people hear about the massacre it’s often with the caveat that no one spoke up against this obvious distortion of history. This isn’t true, exactly. The truth was spoken very early; it just went strategically unheard.
With the successful coordinated effort to bury the massacre, there were many decades of little to no scholarly work. At least, there was little work that was widely circulated or known. The first official academic study of the massacre was Loren Gill’s 214-page 1946 thesis The Tulsa Race Riot, completed at the University of Tulsa, adding significant context and investigation to a shockingly publicly skeletal story. He reaffirmed all that Mary Parish had reported, and—most importantly—he preserved the May 31, 1921, edition of the Tulsa Tribune “Nab Negro” article[22] that incited the White mob. At the time, this article had been deliberately removed from the archives to avoid accountability. His documentation was meticulous and authoritative, which could have put considerable doubt on the prevailing narrative at the time had it been more largely circulated.
The decades after Gill’s thesis were largely silent in media, academia, and literature. Efforts by the NAACP, The American Red Cross,[23] and independent journalists who tried to bring awareness to the depth of loss had ceded from public memory. It wasn’t until a new generation of Black educators, writers, and allies, raised off the words of Black intellectuals like W.E.B. Du Bois and motivated by the urgency of the Civil Rights Era, that we began to see true confrontations of this historic erasure. Still, even with a national surge in civil rights activism, the 1950s and 1960s had relative silence regarding the massacre. There is no historical record of civil rights leaders, not Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, or Fred Hampton, at this time addressing the Tulsa massacre. This is particularly exemplary of the success the suppression had across state lines, communities, and races. Scott Ellsworth’s book, Death in a Promised Land, which would become a pivotal turning point for public recognition of the events in Tulsa, said of this era’s silence: “for all practical purposes, the riot disappeared from view.”[24]
The first unavoidable cracks in this silence began in the 1970s, on its 50th anniversary. W.D. Williams, a victim of the riots himself and whose parents were among the first of Greenwood’s citizens, held a memorial commemorating the anniversary and had a survivor, Mable Little, speak about her experiences.[25] The event didn’t attract a widespread shift in public recognition, but it sparked a conversation surrounding the peculiarities of its silence. In 1971 Ed Wheeler, a White Tulsan journalist, attempted to publish his findings in Profile of a Race Riot but was rejected by all major Tulsan media.[26] Eventually, Impact Magazine, an independent publication focused on marginalized stories, published Wheeler’s findings in their June/July issue of that year. Wheeler did little to shift the event’s framing as a “riot,” but he did bring humanization to the victims, something largely and intentionally ignored. Most impactfully, he spoke of the atmosphere in Tulsa at the time of the massacre, oppressive and outright hostile towards the Black community, noting that “a spark was about all that was needed”[27] to create the circumstances that led to the tragedy.
With the absence of institutional recognition still normalized, small coalitions of community members worked towards historic recollection. Ruth Singler Avery, a White Tulsan, and Mozella Franklin Jones, a retired Black teacher, worked together mostly in quiet to collect the chronology and history of the Tulsa massacre through photographs, survivor testimonies, news clippings, and anything else they could find that had been intentionally muted from the public.[28] Their work went on to receive recognition in 1996, when the Tulsa Historical Society chose pieces from their collection to display. Previously, the events of the Tulsa Massacre had been entirely excluded from the society’s collections. This style of community archiving has been critical in the preservation of Black history in America, a nation whose past is riddled with nefarious, calculated erasure.
The first widely influential academic source to address the Tulsa Race Massacre was Scott Ellsworth’s manuscript The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921: A Reconstruction,[29] which he completed at Duke University. The manuscript made its rounds in academic circles just enough that it influenced, and in many ways demanded, an increase in expansive scholarship. Ellsworth himself would be a frontliner for this turn around, publishing Death in a Promised Land in 1982, which shifted public observance from a riot to a fully-fledged massacre. Ellsworth spoke to the significance of how terminology, especially “riot,” had been weaponized to deny insurance claims and sanitize White violence, and he raised suspicions for mass graves and suppressed death tolls, a claim survivors held for decades but had yet to be legitimized. He also documented local law force deputizing White mobs and actively arming them, turning a blind eye to looting and arson, and some even participating themselves. He portrayed Greenwood as a thriving, self-sustained Black community,[30] directly conflicting with previous local reports who portrayed it as a “slum.”
Ellsworth’s work influenced a slew of investigative effort. Oklahoma State University launched the Tulsa Race Massacre Oral History Project in the 1990s, interviewing survivors, relatives, and community leaders.[31] Their findings were strikingly similar to early interviews conducted by Mary E. Jones Parish: indiscriminate murder, looting, aerial attacks, forced internment, and a generational trauma the public had largely forgotten.[32] This concentrated exposure drew interest from Don Ross, a Black Oklahoma resident. He introduced a bill in 1996 that created the Tulsa Race Riot Commission, the first official recognition that the event necessitated formal investigation.[33] Ross, like Ellsworth, rejected the term “riot”[34]and renewed efforts recognizing the event as a massacre motivated by racial oppression, altering the way it was contextualized.
Not long after the Tulsa Race Riot Commission was created, the first state-backed report was released in February 2001.[35] The report was damning, marking the first acknowledgement of the true atrocities committed against the Greenwood community and confirming that these events weren’t a spontaneous riot but rather a premeditated attack, supported by city and state officials and law enforcement, on the Black community of Greenwood.[36] The report confirmed that the inflammatory article by The Tulsa Tribune not only sparked this violence but was also written with falsehoods and thus promoted a narrative that was shortly thereafter proven false.[37] Although they could not give a definite figure, they estimated the death toll to be between 100 to 300, with largely Black Tulsans whose lives were lost.[38]
Several books were also released around this time that contributed to the revisionist history of Tulsa, including James S. Hirsch’s Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy,[39] Alfred L. Brophy’s Reconstructing the Dreamland,[40] and Tim Madigan’s The Burning.[41] All three offered diverse perspectives and analysis which helped deepen public understanding of the events before, during, and after the massacre and the dizzying acceleration of the public belief the Greenwood community was responsible. Eddie Faye Gates, a Black teacher and historian, began collecting oral histories in the 1990s, most of which had never been collected by journalists or historians[42]; the bulk of this history had been passed down privately, rather than archived or recorded on public record. As a Black woman from Tulsa herself, Gates was deeply embedded in local networks that allowed her access to painful, raw stories that would have otherwise remained unspoken. Resistance and unease towards telling your story to an unknown is not isolated to Tulsa. Many survivors throughout history, especially in marginalized communities, have felt uncertain or distrusting when telling their stories to others not within their community due to fear of retaliation, narrative distortion, or blackmail. In 2003, Gates compiled these testimonies offering historical commentary alongside them in her book Riot on Greenwood.[43] She went on to donate recordings and transcripts that she had accumulated to the Tulsa Race Riot Commission and Tulsa libraries.
As public awareness grew and narratives continued to shift, film and television took note. In 2000, the first national broadcast documentary The Tulsa Lynching of 1921: A Hidden History was released, featuring rare survivor accounts with analyses from historians like Scott Ellsworth. In 2021, the documentary Tulsa Burning: The 1921 Race Massacre premiered on the History Channel to mark the 100th anniversary of the massacre.[44] The documentary received an Emmy nomination for its comprehensive account of the massacre. Its extensive promotional campaigns and availability on Hulu gave millions access to this untold story. In HBO’s 2019 Watchmen, an excellent spinoff of the original Watchmen comic, the massacre is told through a futuristic dystopia that allows characters the ability to revisit a family member’s past. Even within the context of fiction, Tulsa was given a new medium to tell its story, which contributed to renewed public conversation, particularly on social media with a younger generation, effectively integrating knowledge of the massacre into popular culture.
Once the facts that the event was, indeed, a “massacre” become indisputable, the city of Greenwood became a case study on the depths of Black historical erasure. In 2019, forensic anthropologist Dr. Phoebe Stubblefield led recovery efforts of buried remains in Tulsa, using ground-penetrating radar. Using personal recollections dating all the way back to Mary Parish’s investigations, Dr. Stubblefield and her team uncovered numerous unmarked coffins, many containing bodies with gunshot wounds. Their first victim was identified in 2024 through DNA analysis, and their findings were reported by NPR, broadening the scope and scale of the tragedy’s truth.[45]
In 2021, 107-year-old survivor Viola Fletcher testified before Congress during the Centennial Commemoration, recalling that she could “still see Black men being shot, Black bodies lying in the street. I still smell smoke and see fire.” The sobering testimonies removed the massacre from the distant past and placed it firmly into a wounded, but very active, memory. President Joe Biden even visited Tulsa, shockingly the first sitting U.S. president to do so in honor of the massacre.[46] Survivors, Fletcher included, filed a lawsuit against the City of Tulsa and other government entities for the egregious harm and continual devastation on the Greenwood community; in 2023, the lawsuit was dismissed. The decision sparked outrage, but two years later in June 2025 the City of Tulsa announced a $105 million reparations package for the Black community.[47] Although miniscule compared with the generational damage inflicted on Black Tulsans, these reparations marked a shift in local accountability and stands as a testament to the survivors and advocates who refused the burial of history.
Much of the Black American history we have today has been shaped by ordinary people’s perseverance in recovery of the truth. Survivors, journalists, educators, archivists, and historians all have collaborated over decades, giving handoffs of oral histories and scraps of newspaper articles to bring the truth of the Tulsa Race Massacre to historical record. Their justice, however, will always remain an uphill battle. Recognition is not a substitute for justice, and it historically being treated as such speaks to how dismissive our institutions can be to correct past atrocities. The deliberate suppression, state-engineered and media-influenced, was persistent but the eventual acknowledgement was hard-won, existing long after the remaining survivors of Tulsa have passed.[48]
The historiography of the Tulsa Race Massacre extends past the bloodshed and violence of the late hours of May 31, 1921. The City of Tulsa, riddled with lynching and racial tension prior to Greenwood, was guilty of doing what most of America was at the time: treating Black Americans as second-class and remaining complicit towards violence against them. The legacy of Greenwood and the tragedy of its destruction deserve to be told with the raw ugliness necessary for truth-telling. Not only because the loss of a thriving Black community is a horrendous stain on our country’s weaving and intricate history, but because we must demand institutions of power to define, address, and catalog history accurately even when our wrongdoings explode to the darkest hues of our American patchwork.
Notes
[1] Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Final Report (February 28, 2001), 45, National Archives Catalog, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/157670060?objectPage=45
[2] U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division. Investigation of the City of Tulsa and the Tulsa Police Department. April 2021. https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1383756/dl
[3] Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Chronology of the Tulsa Race Riot, in Final Report (February 28, 2001), Oklahoma State University Digital Collections, https://dc.library.okstate. edu/digital/collection/TulsaRR/id/400/rec/11
[4] Oklahoma Historical Society. “Smitherman, Andrew Jackson (1883–1961).” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture. Accessed May 3, 2025.https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry?entry=SM008
[5] A. J. Smitherman, A descriptive poem of the Tulsa race riot and massacre, ca. 1922, James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, https://collections.library.yale.edu/catalog/17374308
[6] Tulsa World, "Tulsa Race Riot Multimedia," accessed May 3, 2025, https://www.tulsaworld.com/app/race-riot/multimedia.html
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Tulsa Tribune, “It Must Not Be Again,” June 4, 1921, 8, https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-tulsa-tribune-06041921-tulsa-tribu/62959033/
[10] Evening Public Ledger (Philadelphia, PA), "56 Slain in Race Riot in Streets of Tulsa Oklahoma," June 1, 1921, Night Extra edition, p. 1, accessed May 3, 2025, https://www.loc.gov/resource/sn83045211/1921-06-01/ed-1/?sp=1.
[11] Evening Herald (Klamath Falls, OR), "Bitter Race War Rages in Oklahoma," June 1, 1921, p. 1, accessed May 3, 2025, https://www.loc. gov/resource/sn99063812/1921-06-01/ed-1/?sp=1
[12] Oklahoma Historical Society, "The Aftermath," The Tulsa Race Massacre, accessed May 3, 2025, https://www.okhistory.org/learn/trm5
[13] Tulsa World, "Grand Jury Blames Negroes for Inciting Race Rioting," June 26, 1921, p. 1
[14] Casefile 10218-421: Investigation of Race Riot, Tulsa, Oklahoma. 1921, in Federal Surveillance of Afro-Americans (1917–1925): The First World War, the Red Scare, and the Garvey Movement, Military Intelligence Division, Series 10218, January 1–December 31, 1921. Accessed via ProQuest Archival Materials, https://www.proquest.com/docview/ 2587418471.
[15] Nancy MacLean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 4–9.
[16] Final Report of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, February 28, 2001, Oklahoma State University Digital Collections, 353. https://dc.library.okstate.edu/digital/collection/TulsaRR/id/353/rec/64
[17] Equal Justice Initiative, Lynching in America: Outside the South, accessed May 3, 2025, https://eji.org/issues/lynching-in-america-outside-the-south/
[18] Mary E. Jones Parrish, Events of the Tulsa Disaster (Tulsa: Mary E. Jones Parrish, 1922), 24
[19] Ibid.
[20] “Homeless Tulsa Riot Victims Tell Stories of Horror,” The Chicago Defender, June 11, 1921, p. 1
[21] “Tulsa, 1921,” The Nation, June 19, 1921, https://www.thenation. com/article/society/tulsa-1921/.
[22] Loren L. Gill, The Tulsa Race Riot, 1921 (M.A. thesis, University of Tulsa, 1946), 22, https://www.proquest.com/docview/250239802/ 85824308B0834731PQ/1?accountid=11752
[23] Maurice Willows, Report of the American Red Cross on the Tulsa Disaster, December 30, 1921, 74, Tulsa Historical Society & Museum, https://www.tulsahistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/1921-Red-Cross-Report-December-30th.pdf
[24] Scott Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 85
[25] Ruth Sigler Avery, Fear: The Fifth Horseman, oral history interview with W.D. Williams, June 7, 1978. Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 Collection, Oklahoma State University Libraries. Accessed May 4, 2025. https://library.okstate.edu/search-and-find/collections/digital-collections/tulsa-race-riot-of-1921-collection/
"[26] “Tulsa Race Riot.” The Oklahoma Eagle. Accessed May 3, 2025. https://theokeagle.com/tulsa-race-riot/
[27] National Museum of African American History and Culture, Object ID 2011.60.18, Smithsonian Institution, accessed May 3, 2025, https://nmaahc.si.edu/object/nmaahc_2011.60.18
[28] Report on Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, accessed May 4, 2025, https://archive.org/stream/ReportOnTulsaRaceRiotOf1921/TulsaRaceRiot1921_djvu.txt
[29] Scott Ellsworth, The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921: A Reconstruction (master’s thesis, Duke University, 1976).
[30] Scott Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982)
[31] Oklahoma State University–Tulsa Library, Tulsa Race Massacre Oral History Collection, accessed May 4, 2025, https://library.okstate.edu/search -and-find/collections/digital-collections/tulsa-race-riot-of-1921-collection/
[32] Mary E. Jones Parrish, Events of the Tulsa Disaster
[33] Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, February 28, 2001, https://www.okhistory.org/ research/forms/freport.pdf
[34] Don Ross, “Tulsa Race Riot Commission Created to Find the Truth,” The Oklahoman, May 31, 1999
[35] Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921(Oklahoma City: State of Oklahoma, February 28, 2001), https://www.okhistory.org/research/forms/freport.pdf.
[36] Ibid., 10–13.
[37] Ibid., 61–63.
[38] Ibid., 20–21.
[39] James S. Hirsch, Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2002)
[40] Alfred L. Brophy, Reconstructing the Dreamland: The Tulsa Riot of 1921, Race, Reparations, and Reconciliation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
[41] Tim Madigan, The Burning: The Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2001).
[42] Eddie Faye Gates, They Came Searching: How Blacks Sought the Promised Land in Tulsa.
[43] Eddie Faye Gates, Riot on Greenwood: The Total Destruction of Black Wall Street.
[44] Tulsa Burning: The 1921 Race Massacre, directed by Stanley Nelson and Marco Williams (History Channel, 2021), https://www.history.com/ specials/tulsa-burning-the-1921-race-massacre
[45] NPR, The Tulsa Race Massacre [series], accessed May 4, 2025, https://www.npr.org/series/1001433852/the-tulsa-race-massacre.
[46] The White House, “Remarks by President Biden Commemorating the 100th Anniversary of the Tulsa Race Massacre,” June 1, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/06/01/remarks-by-president-biden-commemorating-the-100th-anniversary-of-the-tulsa-race-massacre/.
[47] “Tulsa plans $105m in reparations for America's 'hidden' massacre,” BBC News, April 15, 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ c9dqnz37v1wo
[48] Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Final Report (Oklahoma City: State of Oklahoma, 2001), https://www.okhistory. org/research/forms/freport.pdf.